Source: Follow-up surveys administered an average of 28 months after sample intake.
a. Statistically significant at the 10 percent level, two-tailed test.
b. Statistically significant at the 5 percent level, two-tailed test.
c. The difference for the routine callin and sanction groups combined is statistically
significant at the 5 percent level.
d. 1995 dollars.
e. The difference is nearly statistically significant at the 10 percent level.
f. The difference for the routine callin and sanction groups combined is statistically
significant at the 10 percent level.
A part of the explanation for the comparable success rates across
groups is the effect of participation mandates on operational practice. The sanction
policy altered significantly the accountability of the case managers to the clients and,
consequently, their attention to the clients' needs.63 Case managers were
accountable for helping all the young mothers meet their participation requirements.
Failing to help meant that they might have to request a grant reduction for the mother.
Although at first the caseworkers considered the policy punitive and attempted to ignore
it, they quickly came to appreciate its power in gaining access to the mothers and
creating clear expectations for them.
The clients had not generally known such consistency in message and
expectations in any part of their lives, and they responded well. They reported that they
considered the participation requirements fair, particularly since case managers and
support services were available to assist them in overcoming real and perceived barriers.
But for a large portion of them to comply with the requirements, they first needed to be
convinced that the stated consequences of noncooperation were real.
The first time they sent me a letter, I looked at it and threw it away.
The second time, I looked at it and threw it away again. And then they cut my check, and I
said, "uh, oh, I'd better go." I was like, "Oh, my goodness, these people
really mean business. And I'd better go down there and see what this is all about."
At first I didn't go. They used to send me letters and call me. I still
wouldn't go. And then they sent this man [a case manager] out to my house. And I was like,
I'll go and see what it is all about. Then the first time I went I didn't like it because
they would ask me little personal questions. Then after I did that I never came back, and
they came out to my house again and called. "Could you please come to the
program." And I finally went, and then after that I went and I liked it then. I
really liked it then.
Program participation requirements seem, however, to have been
generally ineffective in helping to prevent repeat pregnancies and births. The program
reduced rates of pregnancies and births in one site, had no effect in a second, and
increased rates in the third. In considering the outcomes according to the extent of
voluntarism among the participants, the researchers found that in the more successful site
the program had large deterrent effects among those who responded on first call-in, but
not among those requiring more coercive efforts to enter the program. Yet in the site
where pregnancy rates increased among the program group relative to a no-service control
group, the adverse effects were concentrated among those who came into the program
voluntarily. Program staff suggested the following possible explanation for the perverse
Our key to family planning was case manager counseling to reinforce the
information presented in the up-front workshops. Case managers generally focused their
attention on the "difficult, less compliant" cases. Their emphasis with the more
voluntary participants was on building independence and on encouraging the mothers whom
they judged to be least likely to have a repeat pregnancy to take charge of their lives
and strive for independence. We more or less expected them to be compliant and follow the
family planning advice provided in the workshops. We paid much more attention to
reinforcing the messages of the workshops with the less cooperative clients and those who
had exhibited less compliant behavior in the past.
After learning of these results the program staff realized that family
planning needed to be emphasized with all participants. This is consistent with the fact
that the more successful site offered a richer, six-week family planning workshop for all
clients and had smaller overall caseloads, thus permitting staff to provide relatively
intensive case management for all clients, regardless of the extent of voluntarism in
Now more than ever, the United States needs to consider much more
paternalistic policies to address the problems of teenage pregnancy and parenting. At a
political level the policies are essential to maintain public support for services.
Taxpayers are simply no longer willing to provide unconditional assistance to the poor and
disadvantaged. More important, however, paternalistic policies seem to offer the best hope
to deter teenage pregnancy and thereby protect teenagers and their children from
increasingly restrictive welfare policies.
The rich array of social support services available to teenage parents
in the past is fast disappearing. The future will have more limited economic support,
which may not include cash assistance particularly for young teenage mothers. Schools are
becoming less willing to provide special services for teenage parents. Health care
services are increasingly being offered to poor families through more paternalistic
managed care systems. And under the current welfare reform policies, there will be greater
competition for the already scarce community services that in the past have helped teenage
The silver lining in the current wave of welfare reforms is that this
may be the setting in which, out of necessity, we discover more successful policies for
reducing teenage pregnancy. Among the reasons for optimism are, first, there is now
scientific evidence that the consequences of teenage pregnancy and childbirth are at odds
with the long-run goals of the teenagers themselves and with the short- and long-run
welfare of the nation. The teenagers' decisions are based, at best, on calculations of the
likely benefits and rewards of sex or childbearing that are too short term. Second,
experience with both prevention and social service programs suggests that the more
paternalistic programs tend to outperform programs aimed at empowerment. Or, put another
way, the clearer a program is about the behavioral response it expects and will reward,
the more likely it will succeed. Third, clarity of expectations, boundaries, and
consistency are elements of successful policies and also qualities that build social
competence and economic independence in adolescents and young adults.65
In designing policies we should keep in mind that marginal changes
in economic incentives will have little or no effect on either teenage pregnancy
rates or birthrates; that simple programs teaching how babies are made, preaching
abstinence, or providing universal access to contraceptives will not appreciably lower the
teenage pregnancy rate; that teenage parents most in need of assistance are unlikely to
walk into a volunteer program in search of help; and that full-service programs alone will
not significantly improve outcomes for them.
The evidence suggests that future policies and programs should
emphasize multipronged strategies that are much more paternalistic, strategies that
emphasize prevention, establish behavioral expectations not unlike those expected of adult
parents, and propound clear consequences for not fulfilling the behavioral expectations.
Source: Table draws on program summaries in Brown and Eisenberg (1995)
and Moore, Sugland, Blumenthal et al. (1995), as well as primary information sources
reported in table 3A-3.
Source: See table 3A-3. Data for the Job Start evaluation pertain to
four years after sample enrollment; for Job Corps to four years after enrollment; for New
Chance to 18 months after enrollment; for Project Redirection to five years after
enrollment; for Ohio Learnfare to three years after enrollment; for the Teen Parent
Welfare Demonstration to two years after enrollment; for the Teen Parent Health Care
Demonstration to 18 months after enrollment; and for the Elmira Nurse Home Visiting
Demonstration to 46 months after enrollment.
n.a. Not available.
a. Teenage mother subsample.
Table 3A-3.Sources of Evaluation Data, Impact Estimates, and Costs
Project Taking Charge S. R. Jorgensen, V. Potts, and B. Camp, "Project Taking
Charge: SixMonth Followup of a Pregnancy Prevention Program for Early Adolescents," Family
Relations, vol. 42 (October 1993), pp. 401_06
Success Express F. S. Christopher and M. Roosa, "An Evaluation of an Adolescent
Pregnancy Prevention Program: Is `Just Say No' Enough?" Family Relations, vol.
39 (January 1990), pp. 68_72
Facts and Feelings B. C. Miller and others, eds., Preventing Adolescent Pregnancy:
Model Programs and Evaluations (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1992)
B. C. Miller and others, "Impact Evaluation of Facts and Feelings: A Home-Based
Video Sex Education," Family Relations, vol. 42 (October 1993), pp.
Teen Talk M. Eisen and G. Zellman, "A Health Beliefs Field Experiment," in B.
Miller and others, eds., Preventing Adolescent Pregnancy (Newbury Park, Calif.:
Sage Publications, 1992)
M. G. Eisen, M. G. Zellman, and A. McAlister, "A Health Belief ModelSocial
Learning Theory Approach to Adolescents' Fertility Control: Findings from a Controlled
Field Trial," Health Education Quarterly, vol. 19, no. 2 (1992), pp. 249_62
Group Cognitive L. D. Gilchrist and S. Schinke, "Coping with Behavior Curriculum
Contraception: Cognitive and Behavioral Methods with Adolescents," Cognitive
Therapy and Research, vol. 7 (October 1983), pp. 379_88
Postponing Sexual M. Howard, " Delaying the Start of Intercourse Involvement among
Adolescents," Adolescent Medicine: State of the Art Reviews, vol. 3, no. 2
(1992), pp. 181_93
M. Howard and J. B. McCabe, "Helping Teenagers Postpone Sexual Involvement," Family
Planning Perspectives, vol. 22 (January 1990), pp. 21_26
Reducing the Risk R. P. Barth and others, "Enhancing Social and Cognitive
Skills," in Miller and others, eds., Preventing Adolescent Pregnancy
D. Kirby and others, "Reducing the Risk: Impact of a New Curriculum on Sexual Risk
Taking," Family Planning Perspectives, vol. 23 (1991), pp. 253_63
SelfCenter L. Zabin, "Addressing Adolescent Sexual Behavior and Childbearing:
Self-Esteem or Social Change?" Women's Health Issues, vol. 4, no. 2 (1994),
L. Zabin, "SchoolLinked Reproductive Health Services: The Johns Hopkins
Program," in Miller and others, eds., Preventing Adolescent Pregnancy
L. Zabin and others, "The Baltimore Pregnancy Prevention Program for Urban
Teenagers: How Did It Work?" Family Planning Perspectives, vol. 20, no. 4
(1988), pp. 182_87
Girls Incorporated L. T. Postrado and H. Nicholson, "Effectiveness in Delaying the
Initiation of Sexual Intercourse of Girls Aged 12_14: Two Components of the Girls
Incorporated Preventing Adolescent Pregnancy Program," Youth and Society, vol.
23 (March 1992), pp. 356_79
St. Paul school-based D. Kirby and others, "The Effects of School Based health
clinics Health Clinics in St. Paul on Schoolwide Birth-rates," Family Planning
Perspectives, vol. 25, no. 1 (1993), pp. 12_16
School-based health D. Kirby, C. Waszak, and J. Ziegler, "Six School-clinics Based
Clinics: Their Reproductive Health Services and Impact on Sexual Behavior," Family
Planning Perspectives, vol. 23 (1991), pp. 6_16
Summer Training and G. Walker and F. VilellaVelez, "Anatomy of a Education Program
Demonstration: The Summer Training and Education Program (STEP) from Pilot through
Replication and Postprogram Impacts," Philadelphia: Public/Private Ventures, 1992
Quantum Opportunities A. Hahn and others, "The Quantum Opportunities Program
Demonstration," Brandeis University, 1994
Programs serving teenage parents
Job Start G. Cave and others, "JOB START: Final Report on a Program for School
Dropouts," New York: Manpower Demonstration Research Corp., 1993
Job Corps C. Mallar and others, "Evaluation of the Economic Impact of the Job
Corps Program: Third Follow-up Report," Princeton, N.J.: Mathematica Policy Research,
Ohio LEAP D. Long and others, "LEAP: Three-Year Impacts of Ohio's Welfare
Initiative to Improve School Attendance among Teenage Parents: Ohio's Learning, Earning,
and Parenting Program, " New York: Manpower Demonstration Research Corp., 1996
D. Bloom and others, "LEAP: Interim Findings on a Welfare Initiative to Improve
School Attendance among Teenage Parents: Ohio's Learning, Earning, and Parenting
Program," New York: Manpower Demonstration Research Corp., 1993
New Chance J. Quint and others, "New Chance: Interim Findings on a Comprehensive
Program for Disadvantaged
Young Mothers and Their Children," New York: Manpower Demonstration Research Corp.,
Project Redirection D. Polit and C. White, "The Lives of Young, Disadvantaged
Mothers: The Five-Year Follow-up of the
Project Redirection Sample," Saratoga Springs, N.Y.: Humanalysis, 1988
Teenage Parent Welfare R. Maynard, ed., "Building Self-Sufficiency among
Demonstration Welfare-Dependent Teenage Parents," Princeton, N.J.: Mathematica Policy
R. Maynard, W. Nicholson, and A. Rangarajan, "Breaking the Cycle of Poverty: The
Effectiveness of Mandatory Services for Welfare-Dependent Teenage Parents,"
Princeton, N.J.: Mathematica Policy Research, 1993
Teenage Parent Welfare A. Hershey and M. Silverberg, "Program Cost of the
Demonstration Teenage Parent Demonstration," Princeton, N.J.: (continued)
Mathematica Policy Research, 1993
R. Maynard and A. Rangarajan, "Contraceptive Use and Repeat Pregnancies among
WelfareDependent Teenage Mothers," Family Planning Perspectives, vol. 26
(September-October 1994), pp. 198_205
Teenage Parent Health A. O'Sullivan and B. Jacobsen, "A Randomized Trial
Care Program of a Health Care Program for First-Time Adolescent Mothers and Their
Infants," Nursing Research, vol. 41, no. 4 (1992), pp. 210_15
Elmira Nurse Home D. Olds and others, "Improving the Life-Course Visiting Program
Development of Socially Disadvantaged Mothers: A Randomized Trial of Nurse Home
Visitation," American Journal of Public Health, vol. 78 (November 1988),
1. Kristen Moore, Facts at a Glance (Washington: Child Trends,
1996); and U.S. Bureau of the Census, "Fertility of American Women: June 1994," Current
Population Reports, Series P-20, no. 482 (Department of Commerce, 1995), table 4.
2. Susan McElroy and Kristen Moore, "Trends Over Time in Teenage
Childbreating," in Rebecca A. Maynard, ed., Kids Having Kids: Economic Costs and
Social Consequences of Teen Pregnancy (Washington: Urban Institue Press, 1997),
3. David T. Ellwood, Poor Support: Poverty in the American Family
(Basic Books, 1988); and Jon Jacobson and Rebecca A. Maynard, "Unwed Mothers and
Long-term Welfare Dependency," in Addressing Illegitimacy: Welfare Reform Options
for Congress (Washington: American Enterprise Institute, 1993).
4. Only 40 percent of the fathers of children born to teenage mothers
are themselves teenagers. Twenty six percent are six or more years older than the mothers.
Alan Guttmacher Institute, Sex and America's Teenagers (New York, 1994), figures 41
5. Unless otherwise noted, all quotations in this chapter are from the
teenage parents who participated in the Teenage Parent Welfare Demonstration sponsored by
the Department of Health and Human Services in the late 1980s and evaluated by Mathematica
Policy Research, Inc. Denise Polit, Barriers to Self-Sufficiency and Avenues to Success
among Teenage Mothers (Princeton, N.J.: Mathematica Policy Research, 1992); and
Rebecca A. Maynard, prepared statement, Teen Parents and Welfare Reform, Hearing
before the Senate Committee on Finance, 104 Cong. 1 sess. (Government Printing Office,
6. This reflects primarily an increase in condom use. Alan Guttmacher
Institute, Sex and America's Teenagers, figure 27.
7. Philip Gleason and others, "Service Needs and Use of
Welfare-Dependent Teenage Parents," report PR93-17, Mathematica Policy Research,
Princeton, N.J., February, 1993; and Janet Quint and others, New Chance: Interim
Findings on a Comprehensive Program for Disadvantaged Young Mothers and Their Children
(New York: Manpower Demonstration Research Corp., 1994).
8. Alan Guttmacher Institute, Sex and America's Teenagers,
9. Kristin A. Moore, Donna R. Morrison, and Angela D. Greene,
"Effects on the Children Born to Adolescent Mothers," in Maynard, ed., Kids
Having Kids, pp. 145_80.
10. Barbara Wolfe and Maria Perozek, "Teen Children's Health and
Health Care Use," in Maynard, ed., Kids Having Kids, pp. 181_203.
11. Moore, Morrison, and Greene, "Effects on the Children."
12. Robert M. Goerge and Bong Joo Lee, "Abuse and Neglect of the
Children," in Maynard, ed., Kids Having Kids, p. 211.
13. Jeffrey Grogger, "Incarceration-Related Costs of Early
Childbearing," in Maynard, ed., Kids Having Kids, pp. 240_44; and Robert H.
Haveman, Barbara Wolfe, and Elaine Peterson, "Children of Early Childbearers as Young
Adults," in Kids Having Kids, chap. 9 (figures in text derive from weighed
estimates in table 9.6, panel 1).
14. Arline Geronimus, "Mothers of Invention," Nation,
August 12, 1996, pp. 6_7.; and V. Joseph Hotz, Susan W. McElroy, and Seth G. Sanders,
"The Impact of Teenage Childbearing on the Mothers and the Consequences of Those
Impacts for Government," in Maynard, ed., Kids Having Kids, pp. 55_94.
15. These estimates of direct effects are based on a methodology that
controls for possible selection effects better than has been possible in most previous
studies. The authors used teenagers who miscarried and so had a forced (somewhat random)
delay in the timing of the first birth as the control group. Hotz, McElroy, and Sanders,
"Impacts of Teenage Childbearing," pp. 58_61.
16. Michael J. Brien and Robert J. Willis, "Costs and Consequences
for the Fathers," in Maynard, ed., Kids Having Kids, pp. 95_143.
17. Rebecca A. Maynard, "The Costs of Adolescent
Childbearing," in Maynard, ed., Kids Having Kids, pp. 328_29, 336;
Congressional Budget Office, Sources of Support for Adolescent Mothers (1990); and
Rebecca A. Maynard, Anu Rangarajan, and Reuben Snipper, "To Sanction or Not: Are We
Shortchanging Welfare Recipients through Laissez-Faire Attitudes toward Participation in
Employment-Related Activities?" paper prepared for the Association for Public Policy
Analysis and Management meeting, Washington, October 1993.
18. These are lower-bound estimates that take account of only the costs
that are directly attributable to early childbearing. They measure the costs relative to
delaying childbearing until age 20 or 21, still lower than the average age at first birth,
and they do not include all costs. For example, these estimates include the higher health
care costs for the children, but not for the parents; the foster care costs associated
with higher placement rates, but not the protective services devoted to family
preservation or reunification; and the construction and operation costs of prisons
associated with the higher incarceration rates of the older male children of teenage
parents, but not the other costs associated with elevated crime rates. So too, they
omit the higher educational costs resulting from the greater incidence of health and
developmental problems among children born to teenage parents, and such social costs as
those associated with the high rates of poverty, single parenthood, and school failure.
See Maynard, "Cost of Adolescent Childbearing."
19. Alan Guttmacher Institute, Sex and America's Teenagers,
20. Susan W. McElroy and Kristin A. Moore, "Trends over Time in
Teenage Pregnancy and Childbearing: The Critical Changes," in Maynard, ed., Kids
Having Kids, figures 2.9 and 2.11.
21. Alan Guttmacher Institute, Sex and America's Teenagers,
22. Leighton Ku, Freya L. Sonenstein, and Joseph H. Pleck,
"Neighborhood, Family, and Work: Influences on the Premarital Behaviors of Adolescent
Males," Social Forces, vol. 72 (December 1993), pp. 479_503; and Sarah S.
Brown and Leon Eisenberg, eds., The Best Intentions: Unintended Pregnancy and the
Well-Being of Children and Families (Washington: National Academy Press, 1995), p.
23. Joy G. Dryfoos, Adolescents at Risk: Prevalence and Prevention
(Oxford University Press, 1990).
24. Sheila Smith, ed., Two Generation Programs for Families in
Poverty: A New Intervention Strategy, Advances in Applied Developmental Psychology,
vol. 9 (Norwood, N.J.: Ablex Publishing, 1995).
25. McElroy and Moore, "Trends over Time," figure 2.3.
26. Jan L. Hagen and Irene Lurie, "Implementing JOBS: Progress and
Promise," Nelson A. Rockefeller Institute of Government, Albany, 1994.
27. Debra Boyer and David Fine, "Sexual Abuse as a Factor in
Adolescent Pregnancy and Maltreatment," Family Planning Perspectives, vol. 24
(January_February 1992), pp. 4_19; and Peggy Roper and Gregory Weeks, "Child Abuse,
Teenageage Pregnancy, and Welfare Dependency: Is There a Link?" Washington State
Institute for Public Policy, Evergreen State College, October 1993.
28. Robert Haveman and Barbara Wolfe, Succeeding Generations: On the
Effects of Investments in Children (Russell Sage Foundation, 1994); Greg J. Duncan and
Saul D. Hoffman, "Welfare Benefits, Economic Opportunities, and Out-of-Wedlock Births
among Black Teenage Girls," Demography, vol. 27 (November 1990),
pp. 519_35; Haveman, Wolfe, and Peterson "Children of Early Childbearers as
Young Adults"; Shelly Lundberg and Robert D. Plotnik, "Adolescent and Premarital
Childbearing: Do Economic Incentives Matter?" Journal of Labor Economics, vol.
13 (April 1995), pp. 177_200; and Shelly Lundberg and Robert D. Plotnick,
"Effects of State Welfare, Abortion and Family Planning Policies on Premarital
Childbearing among White Adolescents," Family Planning Perspectives, vol. 22
(November-December 1990), pp. 246_51.
29. Maynard, prepared statement, Teen Parents and Welfare Reform,
Hearing; and Kristin Anderson Moore, Donna R. Morrison, and Dana A. Glei, "Welfare
and Adolescent Sex: The Effects of Family History, Benefit Levels, and Community
Context," Journal of Family and Economic Lives, vol. 16 (Fall 1995).
30. This finding is consistent with research showing that there is no
relationship between the proportions of female teenagers who are sexually active and state
welfare benefit levels relative to average communitywide incomes. Michael J. Camasso and
others, "New Jersey's Family Cap Experiment," paper prepared for the Conference
on Addressing Illegitimacy, American Enterprise Institute, Washington,
Pregnancy Prevention Program," Family Relations, vol. 40
(October 1991), pp. 373_80; Jorgensen, "Project Taking Charge: Six-Month
Follow-up of a Pregnancy Prevention Program for Early Adolescents," Family
Relations, vol. 42 (October 1993), pp. 401_06; Mark W. Roosa and F. Scott Christopher,
"A Response to Thiel and McBride: Scientific Criticism or Obscurantism?" Family
Relations, vol. 41 (October 1992), pp. 468_69; Roosa and Christopher, "Evaluation
of an Abstinence-Only Adolescent Pregnancy Prevention Program: A Replication," Family
Relations, vol. 39 (October 1990), pp. 363_67; and Karen S. Thiel and Dennis
McBride, "Comments on an Evaluation of an Abstinence-Only Adolescent Pregnancy
Program," Family Relations, vol. 41 (October 1992), pp. 465_67.
35. Brent C. Miller and others, "Pregnancy Prevention Programs,
Impact Evaluation of Facts and Feelings: A Home-Based Video Sex Education
Curriculum," Family Relations, vol. 42 (October 1993), pp. 392_400.;
Marvin Eisen, Gail L. Zellman, and Alfred L. McAlister, "A Health Belief
ModelSocial Planning Perspectives, vol. 20 (July-August 1988), pp. 188_92;
Zabin and others, "The Baltimore Pregnancy Prevention Program for Urban Teenagers:
How Did It Work?" Family Planning Perspectives, vol. 20 (July-August 1988),
pp. 182_87; and Zabin and others, "Dependency in Urban Black Families Following
the Birth of an Adolescent's Child," Journal of Marriage and the Family, vol.
54 (August 1992), pp. 496_507.
39. Andrew Hahn with Tom Leavitt and Paul Aaron, Evaluation of the
Quantum Opportunities Program (QOP): Did the Program Work? A Report on the Post Secondary
Outcomes and Cost-effectiveness of the QOP Program (1989_1993) (Brandeis
40. Gary Walker and Frances Vilella-Velez, ng Teenage Parents,"
Manpower Demonstration Research Corp., New York, April 1996.
48. Rebecca A. Maynard, ed., Building Self-Sufficiency among
Welfare-Dependent Teenage Parents: Lessons from the Teenage Parent Demonstration
(Princeton, N.J.: Mathematica Policy Research, 1993).
49. Ann O'Sullivan and Barbara Jacobsen, "A Randomization Trial of
a Health Care Program for First-time Adolescent Mothers and their Infants," Nursing
Research, vol. 41 (July-August 1992), pp. 210_15.
50. David L. Olds and others, "Improving the Life-Course
Development of Socially Disadvantaged Mothers: A Randomized Trial of Nurse Home
Visitation," American Journal of Public Health, vol. 78 (November 1988),
51. Eleven percent of the teenagers required to participate in the
program never did so, primarily because they had other means of support and so left
welfare rather than participate.
52. Long and others, "LEAP: Three-Year Impacts,"
53. Quint, New Chance: Interim Findings, pp. 58_61.
54. Most of the New Chance programs had difficulty filling their
modest-size programs (generally 100 teenage parents a year). In its Chicago site, for
example, New Chance had difficulty enrolling 100 teenage parents annually in a catchment
area where, each month, more than 150 teenagers have their first child and go onto
55. Some have speculated that these decreases in employment and
earnings may stem from the residential nature of the Job Corps, which takes young mothers
out of their communities during the service period. However, the program did succeed in
increasing the earnings of men in the residential programs. So it seems likely that this
is not the explanation.
56. Participation in and completion of education programs varied widely
among teenage mothers in the eight programs. Very few Job Corps participants were in
regular high schools because the program did not offer this option. But a large proportion
of those in Ohio Learnfare were in school, presumably because there were financial
penalties of $62 or more a month for nonenrollment.
57. One possible explanation for the low correspondence of GED
attainment and improvement of basic skills is that the basic skills tests are too
unreliable at the low ends of the performance distribution to pick up gains that may have
occurred. Elena Cohen and others, "Welfare Reform and Literacy: Are We Making the
Connection?" background briefing report for the Family Impact Seminar, Washington;
and National Center on Adult Literacy, University of Pennsylvania, June 1994.
58. Quint, Fink, and Rowser, "New Chance: Implementing a
59. Ibid., table 6.2.
60. The estimated effects on earnings are statistically significant
only for the Chicago site. Those for welfare and school enrollment are significant for all
sites. However, the effects on educational attainment are significant only in the two
sites where the estimates were positive. Maynard, Rangarajan, and Snipper, "To
Sanction or Not."
63. Alan M. Hershey and Rebecca A. Maynard, "Designing and
Implementing Services for Welfare Dependent Teenage Parents: Lessons from the
DHHS/OFA-Sponsored Teenage Parent Demonstration," Education, Training and Service
Programs for Disadvantaged Teens, Hearing before the Subcommittee on Human Resources
of the House Committee on Ways and Means, March 6, 1992; and Maynard, ed., Building
64. Dryfoos, Adolescents at Risk; and Congressional Budget
Office, Sources of Support for Adolescent Mothers.
65. Marilyn Benoit, "Instrinsic Psychological Issues in Teenage
Pregnancy," paper prepared for the Seminar on Programs for Unwed Teen Mothers,
American Enterprise Institute, Washington, 1994; Judith S. Musick, "The Psychological
and Developmental Dimensions of Adolescent Pregnancy and Parenting: An Interventionist's
Perspective," Rockefeller Foundation, New York, December 1987; and S. Shirley Feldman
and Glen R. Elliott, At the Threshold: The Developing Adolescent (Harvard
University Press, 1990).
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